p-spice-trade-msg - 2/10/14 The period spice trade. Routes, methods. NOTE: See also the files: commerce-msg, spices-msg, herbs-msg, p-prices-msg, p-insurance-msg, cinnamon-msg, ginger-msg, gums-resins-msg, saffron-msg. ************************************************************************ NOTICE - This file is a collection of various messages having a common theme that I have collected from my reading of the various computer networks. Some messages date back to 1989, some may be as recent as yesterday. This file is part of a collection of files called Stefan's Florilegium. These files are available on the Internet at: http://www.florilegium.org I have done a limited amount of editing. Messages having to do with separate topics were sometimes split into different files and sometimes extraneous information was removed. For instance, the message IDs were removed to save space and remove clutter. The comments made in these messages are not necessarily my viewpoints. I make no claims as to the accuracy of the information given by the individual authors. Please respect the time and efforts of those who have written these messages. The copyright status of these messages is unclear at this time. If information is published from these messages, please give credit to the originator(s). Thank you, Mark S. Harris AKA: THLord Stefan li Rous Stefan at florilegium.org ************************************************************************ Date: Mon, 1 May 2000 10:04:51 EDT From: LrdRas at aol.com Subject: Re: SC - transporting ingredients cjvt at hotmail.com writes: << How did people in period store and/or transport powders like amydoun, powdour douce, and so on? >> Unfortunately, I can't find the file I saved with this info but, IIRC (and I think I do), powders were kept in leather pouches (larger amounts) and/or in folded parchment (purchased at the apothecary). Small caskets (e.g., hinged wooden or metal boxes) were also used (for travel). I have not seen any pictures suggesting glass was an option for powders but this reflects my lack of research in the area rather than knowledge. Ras Date: Mon, 01 May 2000 10:56:31 -0400 From: "Jeff Gedney" Subject: Re: RE: SC - transporting ingredients > Spices shipped by sea would have been sealed in containers which would > protect them from water. This would also help protect them from the air. Information that I have, from my research into nautical stuff, is that spices were routinely shipped by the _ton_ (yes, TON) by late period, which is what made shipping spices so profitable. They could make it to England in as little as six months (though more than a year was usual), and were packaged in dry casks which would be waterproof (barring a prolonged soaking). either by virtue of construction or by application of a caulking or sealing material (like grease or parrafin) to the seams of the cask. IIRC, the Spices were measured and weiged out by the local authority (usually an agent of the king) under the supervision of the Ship's masters or another of the Company, placed in leather or cloth bags knotted (and the knots sometimes sealed with wax, though this was not ususal) and placed into the casks. This was a great advantage, because a ship to the East Indies could deliver from thirty to as much as a _hundred_ tons of pepper to market in as little as six or seven months, as opposed to overland conveyance methods, which relied on pack animals to carry the weight, and these needed upkeep, stabling, storage, loading, and sometimes rental. Also caravans had to pay taxes and for protections every time they crossed borders (and sometimes two or three times), whereas the Ocean was generally considered borderless unless you were actually in a harbor. A bag of Sumatran spices may have taken as long as ten years to get to European ports by caravan, changing hands several times, contantly being bumped, jostled, opened, inspected, sampled, and occasionally cut with adulterants to increase the return on investment. Spices taken by sea were usually directly obtained form the source, and therefore likely to be of a higher quality, fresher, and in better condition. The shipping of bulk spices by sea made Piracy a lucrative, albeit dangerous, career before the despoiling of the Aztec empire made gold the preferred commodity cargo. Many times appropriating the cargoes of other ships was how the early East India fleets topped off there holds, which is why the company was founded and run by notable Elizabethan privateers, such as Sir John Hawkins. Brandu (yes, I have documentation ... The best sources are Richard Hakluyts "Voyages", and the collected voyages and works of John Davis. ) Date: Mon, 1 May 2000 10:24:37 -0500 From: "Decker, Terry D." Subject: RE: RE: SC - transporting ingredients The Red Sea trade was a thriving business by the 3rd Century BCE and almost certainly earlier although it was trade primarily with Africa and Arabia Felix. In time spices were traded in Calcutta, shipped around India to Bombay, then seasonally transferred during the monsoons to Mocha in Yemen. From Mocha they would be traded into Africa and north to Cairo and Eliat (for the caravan trade). Greece and Rome apparently took advantage of this trade and spice continued to flow through Byzantium into Europe prior to the Crusades. From the 13th to the 16th Centuries, this trade was controlled by the Mamluks of Egypt, who permitted between 200 and 300 tons of pepper to be exported to Europe each year. In 1503, the Portuguese with the financial assistance of the House of Fugger imported 1,300 tons of pepper, broke the Mamluk monopoly, and dropped pepper prices in Europe by 1/3. Pirates, privateers, and rough and tumble trade practices were common. Bear From: "Decker, Terry D." To: "'sca-cooks at ansteorra.org'" Subject: RE: [Sca-cooks] No sugar - too much spice. Date: Fri, 11 May 2001 10:27:32 -0500 > Another complication is that sometimes amounts are probably given > in terms of the cost of the ingredient, as in 'a denier's worth > of cinnamon'. There is ongoing controversy about whether it was > really based on value; or whether 'denier' meant a specific small > weight, or specific small volume, in such circumstances. In the case of spices, we are talking about a specific weight. A denier is the French equivalent of a pennyweight or a scruple, 24 grains or 1/20 ounce Troy. As a coin, the denier is a silver penny, which buys a lot of spice, even at Medieval prices. > One can > easily imagine some medieval spices taking three years to get > from tree to table (for example one year Indonesia to India, one > year India to Egypt, one year Egypt to Paris). It would take about a year to move spices from field to Egypt making use of the seasonal winds. Spices brought from the harvesting sites to the ports on the West Coast of India where they were sold to traders who shipped the spices to Mocha then north on the Red Sea to Egypt. We are talking a trade that is several millenia old and whose participants knew the growing a travel cycles to optimize the delivery of the spices, so any delays in the system are probably related to striking a price rather than the actual transport. In the 1st Century, Roman merchants opened direct trade with India and Taprobane to break the Arab monopoly. By using large galleys, they could operate in heavier seas and did not rely on the wind. This could cut the transport time to under a year. For a look at the spice trade in the 6th Century, try the Topographia Christiana of Cosmas Indicopleustes. There are supposedly a couple of English translations, one by J.W. McCrindle in 1887 and one by E.O. Winstedt in 1909. I haven't found either, but I haven't been seriously searching for them. In the early Medieval Period, when European spices were largely shipped through Byzantium and traffic in Europe was very irregular, several years might be in order. After the 10th Century, when various Italian cities opened direct trade with Egypt, the transit time of the goods would start shrinking. By the time the Portuguese entered the game, it was about a one year cycle from field to Europe and a few more months to spread the spices into the ports of Europe. This does not take into account the problems of striking a price, finding buyers or being overstocked. > I have zero evidence, but it wouldn't entirely surprise me to > learn that for some specific spices the medieval methods of > careful packing and shipping (in anticipation of long journeys) > could have been superior to modern methods, and could have resulted > in 'fresher' spices despite possibly longer transit times. > Thorvald From what I've seen, there is not much difference in the way spices are harvested or packed from the methods expected of Medieval harvesters. The shipping will be faster. Where the difference lies is that in the Middle Ages and Renaissance, spices were kept whole and ground to order. Whole spices better hold their aromatic oils than ground spices. Since most spices today are ground and packaged, then shipped to the grocery there may be a delay of several months between grinding and use, although hermetic sealing helps the spices keep their flavor, they tend to lose potency once they are opened. The two year old ground cinnamon in my baking cabinet doesn't have much bite, but the five year old stick cinnamon which hides in a jar in the same cabinet is still potent. Bear From: "Decker, Terry D." To: "'sca-cooks at ansteorra.org'" Date: Sun, 13 May 2001 12:23:50 -0500 Subject: [Sca-cooks] spice trade transit time Thorvald, you wanted information about sea transit times in the spice trade. I was a little puzzled that there wasn't much out there so I hit my library and found some items. The quotes were a little more than I wanted to type, so I've paraphrased and tried to provide sources. I've also tossed in some information about the 15th Century Chinese trade and cargo packing. Arab Seafaring by George F. Hourani gives the following information. Quoting the Periplus of the Erythrean Sea and Pliny's Natural Histories, Hourani provides that Hippalus, a Greek, was the first to use the southwest monsoon (winter) to sail from Arabia to the Malabar coast, probably in the 2nd Century BCE. It was a fast but dangerous passage requiring extensive blue water sailing. I found this interesting because it is in direct opposition to a common idea that the Mediterranean sailors were primarily coastal sailors spending nights on the shore. Goods from the Mediterranean were shipped south on the Nile then transported either overland or by canal to Berenice on the Red Sea. Starting in July, it was 30 days sail to Cane (Cana or Kane in Yemen). With the monsoon it was 40 days sail from Ocealis (somewhere near Mocha, Arabia) to Muziris ofn the Malabar coast of India. Hourani identifies Muziris as Mysore, but most other historians disagree. For our purpose, it's close enough. So a maximum 70 days fast passage from Egypt to India in the 1st Century with another month (my estimate) between Alexandria and Berenice. Return voyages were made in summer when the prevailing winds are from the northeast. The Akhbar al-Sin w-al-Hind (mid 9th Century) gives a sailing time from Muscat to Canton of 120 days or: Musqat to Kulam Mali - 1 lunar month Kulam to Kalah Bar - 1 month Kalah to Sanf Fulaw - 1 month Sanf Fulaw to Canton - 1 month Kulam Mali is a port on the Malabar coast. Kalah Bar equates roughly to Kedah, Malaya. Sanf Fulaw was part of the Champa kingdom in eastern Indo-China (South Vietnam?) Average speed was just over 2 knots per hour. Beginning the voyage in November or December and adding 2 months of trading time gives the best conditions of wind and weather to arrive in Canton in April or May with time to trade and catch the favorable northeast winds back. A passage from Aden to the Malabar coast by Buzurg ibn-Shahriyar had an estimated average speed of between 3 and 4 knots. Al-Mariwazi (12th Century) place a days voyage with a fair wind at about 150 nautical miles or 6.2 knots. About the beginning of the 10th Century direct Arab trade with China ceased. Trade between China and al-Islam continued at Kalah Bar. Between 1405 and 1433, the Chinese would send a trading fleet into the Indian Ocean to trade with India, Arabia and Africa. The voyages would last over a year each and have supply ships, water tankers, a field army with cavalry, and trade ships, the largest vessel being over 400 feet in length (the Santa Maria was only 98 feet). The first fleet consisted of 317 ships. Among the shipping containers used by this fleet were thousands of large terracotta jars and smaller glazed jars (similar to ginger jars) for storing spices and to be traded. Louise Levathes When China Ruled the Seas makes some questionable comments, but it covers the fleet fairly accurately. One of the Chinese ships has been salvaged within the last few years and a documentary made of the operation. Vasco da Gama's first voyage to India lasted less than 2 years. On November 22, 1497, he rounded the Cape of Good Hope and was off the Natal coast on December 25th. He spent some time along the coast of Africa and in Mozambique, then sailed to India. IIRC, he returned to Portugal in the Fall of 1498. Some of his later voyages were slightly more than a year in length, but in most cases, da Gama was engaged in diplomacy or combat. With factors on the ground in Malabar to handle the purchasing, a round trip could be made in under a year. So my best guess is that spices were no more than 1 year to 1 1/2 years old when they were sold in Europe with the possible exception of the Early Medieval period. Of course, this doesn't address the issue of shelf time after they were sold. Bear Date: Mon, 14 May 2001 00:08:27 -0700 To: "'sca-cooks at ansteorra.org'" From: James Prescott Subject: Re: [Sca-cooks] spice trade transit time At 12:23 -0500 2001-05-13, Decker, Terry D. wrote: > Thorvald, you wanted information about sea transit times in the spice trade. Many thanks for the excellent information. > It was a fast but dangerous passage requiring extensive > blue water sailing. I found this interesting because it is in direct > opposition to a common idea that the Mediterranean sailors were primarily > coastal sailors spending nights on the shore. A very widely believed semi mis-perception. It seems to have been largely true of the Classical Greek oared vessels, and continued to be true for many other kinds of Mediterranean ship, oared and sailed, right down to the present day. However, by Roman times if not earlier some vessels such as the grain ships from Egypt to Ostia (Rome) went 'direct' rather than coasting. It _was_ true that the Mediterranean sailors were "primarily coastal sailors", as long as the emphasis is on "primarily" rather than "exclusively". It also seems that while light coastal ships might be pulled up on the shore at night, most heavier vessels would have anchored and the crew would have stayed on board. See e.g. Bass "A History of Seafaring" and Lewis et al "European Naval and Maritime History, 300-1500". Side note: Once one overcomes the fear of sailing out of sight of land, and has acquired a sufficient store of no-landmark navigation skills (see e.g. Lewis "We, the Navigators"), it is actually much safer to be well out into blue water than to be near a coast. > The Akhbar al-Sin w-al-Hind (mid 9th Century) gives a sailing time from > Muscat to Canton of 120 days or: > > Musqat to Kulam Mali - 1 lunar month > Kulam to Kalah Bar - 1 month > Kalah to Sanf Fulaw - 1 month > Sanf Fulaw to Canton - 1 month > > Kulam Mali is a port on the Malabar coast. Kalah Bar equates roughly to > Kedah, Malaya. Sanf Fulaw was part of the Champa kingdom in eastern > Indo-China (South Vietnam?) We can probably drop the last two legs when considering the spices of Indonesia bound for the Middle East or Europe; though we have to add again some allowance of time for those spices that were only available from more easterly islands in what is now Indonesia. They would have to travel from there to (say) Kalah Bar. It is certainly a faster transit time that I would have guessed. It may have been qualified with "given favourable winds", which would mean that in some years such voyages could have taken much longer due to having to wait for the favourable winds. Still, quite rapid. Thorvald From: "Decker, Terry D." To: "'sca-cooks at ansteorra.org'" Subject: RE: [Sca-cooks] spice trade transit time Date: Mon, 14 May 2001 15:24:02 -0500 > It is certainly a faster transit time that I would have guessed. It > may have been qualified with "given favourable winds", which > would mean > that in some years such voyages could have taken much longer due to > having to wait for the favourable winds. Still, quite rapid. The general wind patterns of the Indian Ocean and the South China Sea are fairly regular, so if one times arrival and departure accordingly, "favorable winds" and general good weather are a given. Most of the information I've found suggests voyages of about 1 year duration with a goal of being in and out before the typhoon season. The "speed run" from Arabia to the Malabar coast was dangerous because it was made running a few points off a monsoon wind. The voyage required a vessel able to stand heavy seas and strong winds. Smaller vessels followed the coast, wearing to change direction (at least after the introduction of the lateen sail). To further reduce overall times, European concerns and the Chinese resorted to factoring. A resident agent could handle disposition of in-bound cargoes, arrange for out-bound cargoes, and handle the petty details such as loading, unloading, bribing officials, etc. A good factor could shave several months of trading time off a voyage. Apparently, the first Portuguese factors arrived with Cabral in 1500 for da Gama was sent to India in 1502 to protect Portuguese commercial interests and establishments. As a small aside, the return trip of da Gama's first voyage to India took 9 months and five days from 5 Oct 1498 to 10 July 1499. > > Among the shipping > > containers used by this fleet were thousands of large terracotta jars and > > smaller glazed jars (similar to ginger jars) for storing spices and to be > > traded. > > Interesting. I wonder how widely such jars would have been used, if at > all, for spices destined for Europe. And if they were used, whether > they would have helped preserve flavour. The large terra cotta jars are apparently still widely used in the East Indies and India for storage and hauling. The smaller jars are less common. IIRC, The large jars were sealable for carrying fluids (such as potable water). If you fill a jar with whole spices and seal it, the storage will help preserve the flavor simply by reducing the surface exposure of the spices to the air. Since the jars were introduced 80 years before da Gama arrived, it is possible they were used in the European trade, although tarred or pitched boxes and barrels work as well for transport. > If spices were shipped whole, or if they were sealed in jars (the > possibility is hinted at by the Chinese example), or both, then I > would venture to guess that at least some cooks could have had quite > fresh spices for use, at least occasionally. > > Thorvald Spices were almost certainly transported and stored whole until they reached the apothecary, spicer or cook, who ground them for sale or use. That being the case, even with a two year delay, period spices are likely to have been fresher than many of today's ground and packaged spices. Bear Date: Mon, 14 May 2001 15:10:49 -0700 To: sca-cooks at ansteorra.org From: James Prescott Subject: [Sca-cooks] OT trireme seaworthiness At 09:30 -0700 2001-05-14, Chris Stanifer wrote: > I'm not positive this was due to a fear of being out > of sight of land, at least not in antiquity. From > what I have heard, the early Greek Triremes and > similar vessels of Rome were not entirely 'seaworthy'. > This may be a misconception, in itself, and if so, > could possibly be one reason why this belief has > propogated. I don't think our knowledge is good enough to say for certain whether or not they were as seaworthy as other craft; nor whether they were seaworthy enough to sail directly from Crete to Egypt, for example. That they generally hugged the shore is not in dispute. That might or might not have been a reflection of their general seaworthiness. If one aspect of being 'seaworthy' is to handle large waves, that's actually easier out in the blue water. Waves steepen as they enter shallower water. Steeper waves are more likely to break and threaten a vessel. Tim Severin's modern replica of the Argo (circa 1250 BC, 20 oars) survived a gale in the Black Sea with only a snapped steering oar; though it was clearly an experience they did not wish to repeat unnecessarily. Thorvald From: "Decker, Terry D." To: "'sca-cooks at ansteorra.org'" Subject: RE: [Sca-cooks] spice trade transit time Date: Tue, 15 May 2001 10:00:46 -0500 > Is da Gama's voyage really a good example? Since it was > mainly political in > nature, I would assume that he would have been delayed many > times to take care of necessary visits to local dignitaries, etc. Da Gama's voyage serves as a readily accessible baseline. The trip to Calcutta took just over 11 months and we know that da Gama was engaged in gunboat diplomacy along the African coast during this period. He spent 4 1/2 months along the Indian coast and just over 9 months on the return voyage. The return voyage is probably more indicative of the actual sailing time to Europe, although, IIRC he made a few flag stops in Africa to reinforce his treaties on the return. > We are also assuming > that the spice trade was controled by Europe early on which is definitely not > the case. Arab merchants traded through Venice for the majority of the middle > ages. It was not until the end of SCA time that the Europeans > took any direct hand in direct spice trading. There is a distinct difference between the "spice trade" and "direct trading in spices." The first covers all aspects of the trade, the second access to the original sources. From about the 4th Century to the beginning of the 16th Century, the Arabs controlled the sources of the spices and the trade into the Mediterranean. The trade into Europe proper was controlled first by Byzantium and then by Venice. I believe you will find Venice supported the sack of Constantinople in 1202, weakening the Byzantines sufficiently for Venice to take over the spice trade. The Arabs controlled the sources of the spices and traded with the Venetians, who became the distributors of spices in Europe. The Arab merchants in Egypt and the European merchants in Venice served as the "middlemen" of the spice trade. If you follow the money, Europeans, especially Venetians, were very much involved in and controlled the European end of the spice trade. Da Gama's second voyage broke the Egypt/Venice spice monopoly. Venice was so heavily tied into the spice trade, that the loss of revenue directly contributed to the loss of Venice's overseas possessions and its eventual subjugation by Austria in the 18th Century. > A trip around Africa was not necessary for the Arab traders. I would theorize > that throughout most of the SCA time period spices were considerably fresher > and that it was not until the rise of the Portuguese trade in the 16th > century CE that we find spices that were of questionable freshness. Most > certainly, IMO, available Arabian spices were much more potent for the 800+ > years before Portugal rounded the African continent. > > Ras So, when do whole spices lose their potency? Shipping to Egypt takes 4 to 5 months. Sailing around Africa takes 8 or 9 months. The Arabs sold primarily to the Venetians, who transhipped the spices to Venice, then distributed them into Europe. The Portuguese sold directly to European spice dealers in Lisbon. How do you factor the various delays? And finally, I think the longest transit time in the European spice trade would be in the final distribution to the cities of Europe where the spices had to travel over land. This would have been more difficult and time consuming in the 8th Century than in the 16th. All in all, I don't think there would be much difference in the ultimate freshness at delivery throughout the SCA period. BTW, double that 800 years. The Arabs were in the spice trade almost that long before Muhammad brought them to Islam. The Romans cut out the Arab middlemen from the 1st to 4th Centuries, but with Rome's decline, the Arabs took back the trade. Bear From: "Decker, Terry D." To: "'sca-cooks at ansteorra.org'" Subject: RE: [Sca-cooks] spice trade transit time Date: Wed, 16 May 2001 09:16:35 -0500 > Also I had thought I read mention of Toledo as > a distribution point through the Moors. Have you read > anything about that possibility? > > Ras I've never heard of Toledo as a spice trading city, sword blades and textiles, yes, spices, no. However, one spice which Toledo was noted for is saffron. Ahmad ibn Muhammad al-Razi (10th Century geographer) mentions that the best saffron in color and aroma came from Toledo. The location and quality of exports might have made Toledo the end distributor for central Iberia in the spice trade, but that is speculation. Bear Date: Sun, 22 Jun 2003 21:35:14 -0500 From: "Terry Decker" Subject: Re: [Sca-cooks] argh spicing To: "Cooks within the SCA" Having looked at this problem previously, I would estimate that the time from harvest to European port was six to 18 months. The travel time into Central Europe is problematic and likely varied widely. Given the state of Europe after the fall of Rome, the movement of spices from Byzantium into the rest of Europe might have taken several years and been reduced to several months when trade had improved and the political climate was favorable. For much of period, most spices (true grains of paradise is an obvious exception) traveled from Southern Asia up the Red Sea for delivery to the markets in Alexandria. They then were disbursed around the Mediterranean. In the 16th Century, the Portuguese opened a route around Africa to Lisbon. Vasco de Gama's return voyage lasted 9 months, but he was stopping to handle political and military matters. Spices were very likely shipped in water-proofed barrels or boxes, which would help retain freshness. They were certainly shipped whole and probably stayed that way until prepared by the apothecary selling them or the cook or physician who bought them. It would be interesting to see how well whole spices keep over time in apothecary jars. And as a question I haven't researched, does anyone know how long it takes harvest and transfer spices (outside of the large food processing companies) today? Bear > I have often wondered about the aspects of freshness and > quality of the spices used then. When they say "good" do they > mean qood in expensive or qood in quantity as to an amount > used or "good" in quality? How long did it take the ships or > caravans to reach the European markets from those far off > shores of the Spice Islands and Southeast Asia? There are these > edicts today that say one must toss one's spices and replace > every year, but are those spices of any worse quality than those used > 6 or 7 centuries ago. No one would have tossed spices then given > their cost. Keeping them in whole or ground form > makes a difference of course and fresh grinding at the moment > they are finally used can lend a discernable difference. > I see this entire question of spicing (and of salt and pepper) and > even herb use to be far more complicated than we give it credit. > It's an area that needs more work in. I have often thought that > a series of trials would be interesting for certain dishes whereby > the same dish is served with little, more, still more, and most spicing > to actually see which is preferred or better. > > Johnnae llyn Lewis Date: Thu, 30 Nov 2006 16:56:57 -0600 From: "Terry Decker" Subject: Re: [Sca-cooks] FW: Elizabethans using Platina and proper cookware To: "Cooks within the SCA" > I'm working on researching my cinnamon, pepper, and other spices for how I > would have obtained them. I'm assuming I would have purchased them form a > spicer in London. I want to know HOW they would have come to London. > > Dame Arwen Lioncourt OP The primary source for spices in Elizabethean England was the Lisbon spice market, however English traders also traded with the Arabs in North Africa for sugar and spices and were already moving into the Spice Islands by the time of Francis Drake's circumnavigation (1577-1580). The Lisbon spice market was closed to the English and the Dutch in 1594 forcing the founding of the Dutch East India Company that year and the formation of the English East India Company (chartered December 31, 1600). Following Vasco da Gama's successful voyage of 1497-98, Lisbon became a major spice port in Europe. Dealing directly with Portuguese factories in India, they were able to cut prices and reduce the power of Venice, who had the Alexandians as middlemen. In 1536, the Portuguese took Sri Lanka and effective control of the cinnamon trade. They controlled the trade until 1658, when the Dutch seized the island. Bear Date: Sat, 30 Dec 2006 08:59:51 -0600 From: "Terry Decker" Subject: Re: [Sca-cooks] fashion and spices (was Grains of Paradise) To: "Cooks within the SCA" > Regina suggested: > "Wars in Africa which cut the trade routes so thoroughly and so long > that people got out of the habit of using them." > Please date and define African geographical areas concerning trade > route reductions of grains of paradise. I study 15th century Spanish > history up to 1474 in particular. All other personal knowledge is from > dabbling. I, therefore, am not cognizant of African affairs affecting > African spice trade after that period. The primary areas involved (IIRC) are Ghana, Togo, Liberia, Cote d' Ivorie, and Nigeria. The chief trade route would have been through the medieval Kingdom of Mali via Timbuktu, north to Algeria or Tunisia. > I am well aware of the fact that Protestants prohibited spices in > England with Queen Elizabeth I in the 16th Century as that was an > anti-Roman Catholic measure. Sources, please. To my knowledge, Elizabethean England actively traded in and used spices and sugar. 'The Age of Discovery', on the other hand, > to my knowledge was aimed at developing spice routes to counter prices > of the Muslims who controlled the Silk Route. From at least the 2nd Century BCE, spice were shipped primarily by sea to ports on the north end of the Red Sea, then by canal and Nile barge (depending on whether the canal was useable) to Alexandria or overland to Alexandria and the Levant. Lower cost, faster delivery, better product than anything that could be delivered over the Silk Road. Spices may have come over the Silk Road, but I am beginning to think that they were more likely meant for the markets of Central Asia, than the markets of Europe. > Perhaps Queen Bessy > preferred ruining her teeth with honey (as sugar was so scarce it used > primarily as medicine in cold England.) and sending all good English > colonists to spread the word of her God (to fatten her honey comb) > without pepper pots to spice route development in accordance with the > puritan movement. From what I've seen of the household accounts, Good Queen Bess liked her sugar. As for "in accordance with the puritan movement," unfortunately, Elizabeth was the secular head of the Church of England and definitely not a Puritan. Puritans were Dissenters from the Church of England and in many ways opposed to the Crown. > The Spaniards dominated slave trade with their center in Las Palmas > and competed with the Portuguese in African spice trade thanks to their > territories in Africa but within 200 years after the discovery of > Central and South America they learned how to use American agricultural > produces and busily exported pepper products, sugar and chocolate > among others to Europe. > > Susan Sugar is an Old World crop introduced to the New World on Columbus' second voyage. Production in the Old World was largely controlled by the Arabs and the 16th Century was a period of rising demand with limited growth possibilities at home. Therefore, the Caribbean sugar plantation became an ideal solution to grabbing market share. It is also very likely that the extreme conditions of the sugar plantations and the continuous need for more laborers greatly expanded the slave trade from what it was at the end of the 15th Century. Bear Date: Fri, 29 Dec 2006 23:58:43 -0500 From: Gretchen Beck Subject: Re: [Sca-cooks] Protestants prohibited spices in England? To: Cooks within the SCA --On Friday, December 29, 2006 10:44 PM -0500 Elaine Koogler wrote: > Nope...if memory serves, other spices show up in Elizabethan recipes as > well...so I am not sure about this statement myself. I don't have any > examples at hand at the moment...but recall a cauliflower recipe that used > nutmeg, pickled mushrooms that used mace and nutmeg, etc. As you said, I > can see it with the Roundheads/Puritans, but not with Elizabeth I. Did a quick google search, but didn't find anything (well, found a journal article that mentioned a prohibition of pepper imports into England in the late 16th C, but this was because there had been a high number of pepper prizes captured, and the crown was having a hard time converting their pepper to money domestically...but that's not anything like the same thing). toodles, margaret Date: Sun, 31 Dec 2006 01:27:37 -0500 From: Daniel Myers Subject: Re: [Sca-cooks] Spices in England To: Cooks within the SCA Just some notes to put some perspective on this. I've got numbers for the occurrence of various spices in medieval cookbooks online at the following:1 http://www.medievalcookery.com/statistics.shtm While these don't directly indicate the quantities of spices consumed, they're useful on a conceptual level. Since sugar and nutmeg were specifically mentioned, I'll take a moment to extract their entries. The values are the percent of the total recipes in the source containing the substance in question. Sugar 27% - Forme of Cury (England, 1390) 14% - Liber cure cocorum (England, 1430) 39% - Two Fifteenth-Century Cookery Books (England, 1450) 46% - A Proper newe Booke of Cokerye (England, 1550) 57% - The Good Housewife's Jewell (England, 1596) Nutmeg 0% - Forme of Cury (England, 1390) 0% - Liber cure cocorum (England, 1430) < 1% - Two Fifteenth-Century Cookery Books (England, 1450) 0% - A Proper newe Booke of Cokerye (England, 1550) 10% - The Good Housewife's Jewell (England, 1596) It's worth noting that nutmeg appears in 22% of the recipes in Du fait de cuisine (France, 1420). As for the cost of these spices, Prof. John H. Munro of the University of Toronto has a wonderful source online. http://www.economics.utoronto.ca/munro5/SPICES1.htm In it he lists the cost of spices in Antwerp, London, and Oxford from 1438-1439. While these costs are indeed higher (relatively) than we'd pay now, they aren't so high as to be out of reach of anyone other than the poor. A pound of sugar is listed anywhere from 1.24 to 4 days wages for a skilled laborer (carpenter). Yes, this is a lot, but very few people go through a pound of sugar a day. Nutmeg isn't one of the spices he lists, but he does list mace for Oxford. A pound of mace cost 6 days of wages for a skilled laborer. Now maybe you guys like mace more than I do, but I really doubt that I've come anywhere close to using up a pound of mace in my life. I think it took me several years to go through a two ounce jar. A carpenter or mason in 15th century London may not have been able to afford as much sugar as he'd want, but I suspect he'd buy a little on the rare occasion. For other spices though, he was able to afford as much spice as he was likely to use (with the exception of saffron, of course). - Doc Date: Sun, 31 Dec 2006 03:00:24 -0500 From: Gretchen Beck Subject: Re: [Sca-cooks] Spices in England To: Cooks within the SCA --On Sunday, December 31, 2006 1:27 AM -0500 Daniel Myers wrote: > Just some notes to put some perspective on this. > > I've got numbers for the occurrence of various spices in medieval > cookbooks online at the following:1 > > http://www.medievalcookery.com/statistics.shtm > > While these don't directly indicate the quantities of spices > consumed, they're useful on a conceptual level. Since sugar and > nutmeg were specifically mentioned, I'll take a moment to extract > their entries. Another, spefically 16th C followup -- www.british-history.ac.uk has a transcription of the London port books from 1567/8. I did a quick check on sugar and nutmeg on the ships between September 1567 and January 1568: Sugar (Not counting sugar candy, which is listed as a separate item): 48,425 lbs Nutmeg: 1650 lbs (This is on something like 300 ships, although since most ships are making purchases for several different merchants, there may be three different records per ship for the same product. I note too, that winter/spring appears to be sugar season, as in the Febuary-March records there are 51 entries for sugar (there are approximately 100 ships per month). Now, assuming a London only distribution (not a very reasonable assumption, but what the heck), and a population of approximately 245,000 (which, according to was the population of London in 1600), we get around a pound of sugar per person in London per year. If anyone is interested in doing a more complete count, or seeing some numbers from the 15th C, there are also customs records from 1480/1. toodles, margaret Date: Thu, 31 May 2007 13:46:53 -0400 From: Johnna Holloway Subject: [Sca-cooks] Gastronomica on Spice Trade, Apicius and Martino To: Cooks within the SCA , "mk-cooks at midrealm.org" The latest issue of Gastronomica 7:2 Spring 2007 features these articles that may be of interest to the list: The Medieval Spice Trade and the Diffusion of the Chile by Clifford Wright pp. 35-43 The Myth of Apicius by Sally Grainger, pp 71-77. Two Ways of Looking at Master Martino by Nancy Harmon Jenkins pp 97-103 plus a number of other assorted articles including Gateaux Algeriens with several marvelous pictures of pastries. B&N and Borders usually carry issues of it. Johnna Date: Sat, 14 Jul 2007 10:26:05 -0400 From: Daniel Myers Subject: [Sca-cooks] Olive oil (was Re: Bread Recipe from my files) To: Cooks within the SCA On Jul 12, 2007, at 2:08 PM, V A wrote: > Olive oil was (and has been, for all of recorded history) used prolifically > for many purposes -- medicinal, cosmetic, and culinary -- all along the > Mediterranean. Of course, the farther north you go in Europe, the harder it > is to cultivate olives, so if olive oil was used in northern Europe, it > would have been (for most of the Middle Ages) a fairly expensive commodity, > since it had to be imported...so if you're looking at, say, 14th-century > English recipes, you wouldn't see a ton of olive oil, but it'd be > all over the Italian cookbooks of the same period. While olives (or at least olive oil) would have been imported into northern Europe, I don't believe that they were so rare as to be hugely expensive. We already see a substantial use of almonds in 14th century English cooking, and they also were imported. They're a substantial component a large number of meatless-day recipes. Like almonds, olive oil keeps and travels well. As it is a vegetable oil, it is also suited to meatless-day recipes. It is quite easy to imagine an English merchant purchasing many barrels of it each year through an agent in Italy (where it would be quite cheap). Professor John H. Munro's article, "Spices and Their Costs in Medieval Europe" (see link) has demonstrated that the cost of imported spices was much lower than commonly believed (by my calculations, about 10 times what we'd pay in the grocery store today - no where near "worth its weight in gold"). http://www.chass.utoronto.ca/~munro5/SPICES1.htm I'll try to find more concrete evidence, but given the above in connection with the number of recipes I've seen which call for olive oil (including some that use it for frying), I'm inclined to believe that while it was more expensive than lard, it was not considered overly expensive and was commonly used in large quantities by the middle and upper classes. - Doc Date: Mon, 08 Oct 2007 07:06:56 -0400 From: Johnna Holloway Subject: [Sca-cooks] Spice History To: Cooks within the SCA , SCA_Subtleties at yahoogroups.com, SCA-AuthenticCooks at yahoogroups.com, "SCAFoodandFeasts at yahoogroups.com" There's a new interesting website on spices. http://spicehistory.net/SPICE%20%20HISTORY.html The creator of the site is Michael Krondl. He's the author of the new book Conquest: The Rise and Fall of the Three Great Cities of Spice. It's due to be published at the end of October. The book looks at the supply, demand and trade of spices and at the spice centers of Venice, Lisbon and Amsterdam. Johnnae Date: Thu, 07 Aug 2008 08:16:16 -0400 From: Johnna Holloway Subject: Re: [Sca-cooks] Spicing was Non-Pennsic SCA activities? To: Cooks within the SCA Two new books that talk about the spice trade are: Freedman, Paul. /Out of the East. Spices and the Medieval Imagination/. New Haven: Yale University Press, 2008. Krondl, Michael. /The Taste of Conquest. The Rise and Fall of the Three Great Cities of Spice/. New York: Ballantine Books, 2007. Johnnae Date: Thu, 7 Aug 2008 16:27:25 -0600 (MDT) From: Linda Peterson Subject: Re: [Sca-cooks] Spicing was Non-Pennsic SCA activities? To: Cooks within the SCA > Krondl, Michael. /The Taste of Conquest. The Rise and Fall of the Three > Great Cities of Spice/. New York: Ballantine Books, 2007. This is a wonderful book to read, not just informative but amusing as well. His description of the path of the spices is interesting. The most distant, cloves and nutmeg, had a 3000 mile sail just to get to India where they joined pepper and others before being traded to other shippers who sailed the spices around through the Red and Arabian Seas. They were then loaded on camel caravans, to Egyptian Alexandria or Byzantine Trebizond on the Black Sea then to Constantinople. Then they were picked up by Venitians, who took them home and redistributed them yet again to the rest of Europe. Not a short trip. Mirhaxa Date: Fri, 13 Jul 2012 10:41:01 -0500 From: "Terry Decker" To: "Cooks within the SCA" Subject: Re: [Sca-cooks] Book Question <<< Just picked up "The Taste of Conquest; the rise and fall of the three great cities of spice" by Michael Krondl. Does anyone know anything about it/ have an opinion in its regard? Daniel >>> It's a non-scholarly look at the spice trade from Late Medieval through Early Modern and how it affected Venice, Lisbon and Amsterdam. It's a fun, easy read and you may find questions to pursue in greater depth. It does not get deeply into the intracies of the spice trade or look at the trade much before the rise of Venice in the trade, as I recall. I have had the paperback for several years and I was able to purchase the hardbound edition for my collection this Spring at a reasonable price, but I haven't re-read the book or compared the editions. A more detailed but equally entertaining look at the spice trade is John Keay's The Spice Route. Most, if not all, of the books on the spice trade lack detail on the trade in Europe between the 5th Century and the dissolution of the Western Empire and the 11th Century and the beginning of the Crusades. Bear Date: Fri, 13 Jul 2012 07:20:18 -0400 From: Johnna Holloway To: Cooks within the SCA Subject: Re: [Sca-cooks] Book Question On Jul 13, 2012, at 7:04 AM, Daniel And elizabeth phelps wrote: <<< Just picked up "The Taste of Conquest; the rise and fall of the three great cities of spice" by Michael Krondl. Does anyone know anything about it/ have an opinion in its regard? Daniel >>> I have it listed as" "Krondl, Michael. The Taste of Conquest. The Rise and Fall of the Three Great Cities of Spice. New York: Ballantine Books, 2007. A volume with a totally different point of view, Krondl looks at the spice trade in the cities of Venice, Lisbon, and Amsterdam, with mentions given to modern Baltimore and Calcutta." It doesn't attempt to cover euverything, but it's rather interesting for the cities it does cover. Johnnae Edited by Mark S. Harris p-spice-trade-msg Page 18 of 18